The African divide over Palestine was partly based on the fact that African solidarity with Palestine was historically placed within the larger political framework of mutual African-Arab solidarity. However, with official Arab solidarity with Palestine now weakened, the Palestinians are forced to think outside this traditional box. While such a task seems daunting, it also remains promising, as Palestinians have the opportunity to build bridges of support and mutual solidarity with Africa through direct contacts, while serving as ambassadors for themselves.
The decision of the "African Union Commission," on 22 July, to grant Israel observer status in the African Union, marked the culmination of years of determined Israeli efforts to contain Africa's largest political institution. Why does Israel seem so eager to penetrate Africa? What made African States finally succumb to Israeli pressure and acrimony?
To answer these questions, one has to understand the nature of the new "big game" taking place in many parts of the world, particularly in Africa, which has always been important for Israel's geopolitical designs. Israel's network in Africa was expanding continuously from the early 1950s to the mid-1970s. But the 1973 war brought that convergence to an abrupt end.
What has changed Africa?
Ghana recognized; The West African state, officially Israel in 1956, is only eight years after Israel built on the ruins of historic Palestine. What seemed like a strange decision at the time - looking at Africa's history with Western colonialism and its struggles against that colonization - ushered in a new era of African-Israeli relations. By the early 1970s, Israel had established a strong position on the continent. On the eve of the Israeli-Arab war in 1973, Israel had established full diplomatic relations with 33 African countries.
“The October War”, however, presented many African countries with a stark choice: siding with Israel - a country born out of Western colonial intrigues - or the Arabs, who are connected to Africa through historical, political, economic, cultural and religious bonds. Most African countries opted for the latter choice. One after the other, African countries began severing their ties with Israel. Soon enough, no African state, other than Malawi, Lesotho and Swaziland, had official diplomatic relations with Israel.
Then, the continent’s solidarity with Palestine went even further. The Organization of African Unity – the precursor to the African Union – in its 12th ordinary session held in Kampala in 1975, became the first international body to recognize, on a large scale, the inherent racism in Israel’s Zionist ideology by adopting Resolution 77 (XII). This very Resolution was cited in the United Nations General Assembly Resolution 3379, adopted in November of that same year, which determined that “Zionism is a form of racism and racial discrimination”. Resolution 3379 remained in effect until it was revoked by the Assembly under intense American pressure in 1991.
Since Israel remained committed to that same Zionist, racist ideology of yesteryears, the only rational conclusion is that it was Africa, not Israel, that changed. But why?
First, the collapse of the Soviet Union. That seismic event resulted in the subsequent isolation of pro-Soviet African countries which, for years, stood as the vanguard against American, Western and, by extension, Israeli expansionism and interests on the continent.
Second, the collapse of the unified Arab front on Palestine. That front has historically served as the moral and political frame of reference for the pro-Palestine, anti-Israel sentiments in Africa. This started with the Egyptian government's signing of the Camp David Agreement, in 1978-79 and, later, the Oslo Accords between the Palestinian leadership and Israel, in 1993.
Covert and overt normalization between Arab countries and Israel continued unabated over the last three decades, resulting in the extension of diplomatic ties between Israel and several Arab countries, including African-Arab countries, like Sudan and Morocco. Other Muslim-majority African countries also joined the normalization efforts. They include Chad, Mali and others.
Third, the ‘scramble for Africa’ was renewed with a vengeance. The neocolonial return to Africa brought back many of the same usual suspects - Western countries, which are, once more, realizing the untapped potential of Africa in terms of markets, cheap labor and resources. A driving force for Western re-involvement in Africa is the rise of China as a global superpower with keen interests in investing in Africa’s dilapidated infrastructure. Whenever economic competition is found, military hardware is sure to follow. Now several Western militaries are openly operating in Africa under various guises - France in Mali and the Sahel region, the US’ many operations through US Africa Command (AFRICOM), and others.
Tellingly, Washington does not only serve as Israel’s benefactor in Palestine and the Middle East, but worldwide as well, and Israel is willing to go to any length to exploit the massive leverage it holds over the US government. This stifling paradigm, which has been at work in the Middle East region for decades, is also at work throughout Africa. For example, last year the US administration agreed to remove Sudan from the state-sponsored terror list in exchange for Khartoum’s normalization with Israel. In truth, Sudan is not the only country that understands - and is willing to engage in - this kind of ‘pragmatic’ - read under-handed - political barter. Others also have learned to play the game well. Indeed, by voting to admit Israel to the AU, some African governments expect a return on their political investment, a return that will be exacted from Washington, not from Tel Aviv.
Unfortunately, albeit expectedly, as Africa’s normalization with Israel grew, Palestine became increasingly a marginal issue on the agendas of many African governments, who are far more invested in realpolitik - or simply remaining on Washington’s good side - than honoring the anti-colonial legacies of their nations.
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